貝約我至高無上

　　2023復習正是強化復習階段，在考研英語中占了40分，所以考研英語閱讀是英語科目中重要的一項。名師老師曾建議過考研生需要堅持每天泛讀10-15分鐘的英文原刊。強烈推薦了雜志《經濟學人》.雜志中的文章也是考研英語的主要材料來源.希望考研考生認真閱讀，快速提高考研英語閱讀水平。 　　Bello 　　貝約 　　I, the Supreme 　　我，至高無上 　　Latin America needs term limits. But how strictshould they be? 　　拉丁美洲需要任期限制。但是這一限制需要多嚴格呢? 　　NO SOONER had Juan Manuel Santos, Colombia spresident, secured himself a second term in a run-off election in June than he announcedthat he wants to prevent such a thing happening again. He will propose a constitutionalchange barring immediate re-election and lengthening future presidential terms, from fourto five or six years. Why didn t he think of that before, cynics might ask? He might reply thatit was in Colombia s interest to give him more time to complete peace talks with the FARCguerrillas, for which a single four-year term proved too short. 　　哥倫比亞總統胡安曼努埃爾桑托斯剛剛在6月的大選中獲得連任機會，便立即發表聲明聲稱他希望防止這樣的總統連任事件再次發生。他將提出一個憲法修正案以防止總統再次參與競選，并將總統任期從4年延長至5或6年。不滿的憤世嫉俗者可能會問，為什么他之前就沒有想到這么做呢?桑托斯會回答，事實已經證明四年的任期并不足以讓他完成與哥倫比亞武裝力量游擊隊的和平談話，為了哥倫比亞的利益他需要更多的時間來完成這一使命。 　　Mr Santos s move runs counter to the regional trend. In country after country in LatinAmerica, term limits have been loosened over the past two decades. The latest to seek toabolish them altogether is Ecuador s president, Rafael Correa. He declared last year that hiscurrent term would be his final one, only for his supporters to unveil a bill in July allowingindefinite re-election for all public offices. Since Mr Correa commands a large legislativemajority, Ecuador is likely to follow Venezuela and Nicaragua in allowing a presidency forlife. 　　Santos先生的做法與拉美整個的地區趨勢相悖。在拉丁美洲的各個國家，任期限制在最近的20年里已經一再放松。最近一位想要完全廢除任期限制的是厄瓜多爾總統拉斐爾科雷亞。他去年聲稱只要他的支持者在六月推出允許所有公共政府機關職位的無限期再次競選的法案，他當前任期將是他最后的任期。由于Correa先生掌握著大多數立法投票席位，厄瓜多爾很有可能和委內瑞拉與尼加拉瓜一樣允許終生總統任期。 　　Not coincidentally, these countries are among a handful in Latin America in which presidentsnow exercise near-absolute power. Mr Correa, the late Hugo Chvez in Venezuela andNicaragua s Daniel Ortega deployed their electoral majorities to crush the independence ofthe judiciary, curb the media and hamper opposition. In the extent of their power, if notin the route by which they obtained it, they resemble the region s 19th-centurydictatorswhose absolutism is captured in the title of a classic Paraguayan novel by AugustoRoa Bastos called Yo, el Supremo. 　　并不是巧合，因為這三個國家均是拉丁美洲少數幾個總統擁有近乎絕對統治權的國家。厄瓜多爾總統拉斐爾科雷亞將是下一個委內瑞拉總統烏戈查韋斯。他和尼加拉瓜總統丹尼爾奧爾特加部署了大多數選舉席位以便遏制司法獨立、控制媒體以及遏制反對派的行動。除了獲取權利的路線不同，他們的權利范圍與該地區19世紀的獨裁者有極大的相似之處。這些獨裁者的專制統治在巴拉圭作家奧古斯托羅亞巴斯托斯的經典小說的標題中體現的淋漓盡致《我，至高無上》。 　　The trend to looser term limits goes far beyond these three countries. Daniel Zovatto of theInternational Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, an inter-governmentalorganisation, points out that in the 1980s the norm in Latin America s restored democracieswas to restrict presidents to a single term. Of the 15 Latin American countries with no plansfor indefinite re-election, four now allow two consecutive terms and seven permit formerpresidents to run again after an interlude. Only fourMexico, Guatemala, Honduras andParaguaystill confine their presidents to one term only. 　　放松任期限制的趨勢并不僅在這三個國家中存在。國際民主與選舉援助組織在拉丁美洲和加勒比海的區域主管丹尼爾組瓦特指出，拉丁美洲于20世紀80年代恢復的民主政治正是為了將總統職位限制為單任期。在15個尚沒有允許無限期再次競選的拉丁美洲國家中，4個國家現在允許2期連任，有7個國家允許前任總統們在他人擔任總統之后再次競選總統，只有墨西哥、危地馬拉、洪都拉斯以及巴拉圭這4個國家依舊將總統限制為單任期。 　　Critics of this trend say that incumbents have an even greater advantage over opponentsthan they have in, say, the United States. Only twice since 1990 have candidates who weresitting presidents lost elections in Latin America. Several incumbents have also managed toanoint their chosen successors, who in the case of the late Nstor Kirchner of Argentina washis wife, Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner. 　　這種趨勢的批評者認為，現任總統相比于其反對者的優勢很大，且這種優勢甚至還大于北美總統的優勢。自1990年以來，現任總統再次競選失敗的事情在拉丁美洲只發生過兩次。有些在位者也會神話他們選定的接任者，比如阿根廷前任總統內斯托爾卡洛斯基什內爾便扶持他的妻子克里斯蒂娜費爾南德斯德基什內爾成功接任總統。 　　But the recent success of incumbents owes much to their good fortune in presiding over agolden decade of commodity-fuelled economic growth, and in their distribution of some ofthis windfall to the poor. Now that economic growth has slowed, presidents have become lesspopular. A test of whether incumbents remain near-invincible will come in Brazil s electionin October, in which Dilma Rousseff faces a tough fight for a second term. 　　不過在位者們的近期成功主要應該歸功于他們幸運地處在大宗商品經濟蓬勃發展的黃金時期，他們只要將一部分上帝的饋贈分發給窮人便可以獲得支持。而現在經濟的增長速度放緩，總統們變得并沒有那么受歡迎。今年10月，在巴西的選舉中將會有一個關于在位者是否依舊無可匹敵的測試進行，在這次選舉中迪爾瑪羅塞夫為了自己的第二任期將會面臨一場艱難的競爭。 　　There are, in fact, some sound reasons for allowing re-electionthough not indefinitely. If apresident is popular and has done a good job, surely voters should have the right to choosehim or her again? A four-year term, as eight countries have, is too short to do much. Indeed,it is not all that long ago that political scientists fretted that Latin American presidents weretoo weak rather than too strong. 　　事實上，還是有一些合理的理由允許總統再次參加競選的，雖然不是無限再次競選。如果一個總統很受歡迎并且工作出色，選民們難道不應該有權利再次選擇他或者她嗎?現在拉丁美洲有8個國家依舊維持4年為一任期的規定， 4年時間確實不足以讓一個總統完成太多事情。而且就在不久之前，政治學者們甚至認為拉丁美洲的總統們太脆弱而不是太強大。 　　What matters is not whether a president can run for re-election, but whether countriespossess the countervailing institutions required to curb the abuse of executive power andthe advantages of incumbency. Strong and independent judiciaries, electoral authorities,media and political parties are all vital. 　　問題的關鍵點不在于總統是否可以再次競選，而在于國家是否有足以遏制濫用行政權力和在位者優勢的對抗制度。強大而獨立的司法機構、選舉委員會、媒體以及政黨都是必不可少的。 　　Paradoxically, Colombia is fairly well-served in this regard. Its constitutional court knockeddown an attempt by lvaro Uribe, Mr Santos s popular predecessor, to run for a thirdconsecutive term. Mr Santos told Bello during the campaign that he thinks Colombiansdislike re-election, initiated in 2006 by Mr Uribe. That may be one reason why he barelysqueaked to a second term, winning the run-off by less than six percentage points. It seemsthat Mr Santos has come up with a solution to a problem that Colombia doesn t really have.Perhaps he should export it to Ecuador. 　　反常的是，哥倫比亞在這一點上做的很好。其憲法院成功粉碎了Santos先生的上一任總統烏里韋謀求3連任的企圖。在此次競選中，桑托斯先生告訴貝約，他認為自烏里韋于2006年連任總統以來，哥倫比亞不喜歡總統再次參加競選。這恐怕也是本次競選中他以少于6%的微弱優勢艱難勝出的原因之一。看上去桑托斯已經想到了解決問題的方法，雖然這個問題在哥倫比亞并不存在。或許他可以將這個方法推薦給厄瓜多爾。 　　1.want to 想要;想要 　　I want to insure my house. 　　我要為自己的住宅保險。 　　We want to be quite clear on this point. 　　關于這一點，我們要完全弄清。 　　2.peace talk 和平談判 　　The meetings adopted the Concept Paper on the Working Group and issued the secondChairman s Statement since the talks was launched. This symbolizes that the six-party peacetalk process will proceed. 　　會議通過了工作組概念文件，發表了和談啟動以來的第二份主席聲明，這標志著六方會談進程將繼續下去。 　　The present conflict may provide fresh impetus for peace talk. 　　目前的沖突可能會給和談提供新的推動力。 　　3.point out 指出，指明 　　Can you point out the hotel on this map? 　　你能指出這家旅館在地圖上的位置嗎? 　　I want to point out one area that I grade the students on, something that many of themdislike. 　　我想指出我在為學生們評分的一個地方，是他們中許多人都不喜歡的一點。 　　4.plan for 計劃做某事 　　So what do we have plan for tonight? 　　那么，我們今天晚上有什么計劃呢? 　　He designed a new plan for the project. 　　他為該工程設計了一套新的施工方案。

　　2023復習正是強化復習階段，在考研英語中占了40分，所以考研英語閱讀是英語科目中重要的一項。名師老師曾建議過考研生需要堅持每天泛讀10-15分鐘的英文原刊。強烈推薦了雜志《經濟學人》.雜志中的文章也是考研英語的主要材料來源.希望考研考生認真閱讀，快速提高考研英語閱讀水平。 　　Bello 　　貝約 　　I, the Supreme 　　我，至高無上 　　Latin America needs term limits. But how strictshould they be? 　　拉丁美洲需要任期限制。但是這一限制需要多嚴格呢? 　　NO SOONER had Juan Manuel Santos, Colombia spresident, secured himself a second term in a run-off election in June than he announcedthat he wants to prevent such a thing happening again. He will propose a constitutionalchange barring immediate re-election and lengthening future presidential terms, from fourto five or six years. Why didn t he think of that before, cynics might ask? He might reply thatit was in Colombia s interest to give him more time to complete peace talks with the FARCguerrillas, for which a single four-year term proved too short. 　　哥倫比亞總統胡安曼努埃爾桑托斯剛剛在6月的大選中獲得連任機會，便立即發表聲明聲稱他希望防止這樣的總統連任事件再次發生。他將提出一個憲法修正案以防止總統再次參與競選，并將總統任期從4年延長至5或6年。不滿的憤世嫉俗者可能會問，為什么他之前就沒有想到這么做呢?桑托斯會回答，事實已經證明四年的任期并不足以讓他完成與哥倫比亞武裝力量游擊隊的和平談話，為了哥倫比亞的利益他需要更多的時間來完成這一使命。 　　Mr Santos s move runs counter to the regional trend. In country after country in LatinAmerica, term limits have been loosened over the past two decades. The latest to seek toabolish them altogether is Ecuador s president, Rafael Correa. He declared last year that hiscurrent term would be his final one, only for his supporters to unveil a bill in July allowingindefinite re-election for all public offices. Since Mr Correa commands a large legislativemajority, Ecuador is likely to follow Venezuela and Nicaragua in allowing a presidency forlife. 　　Santos先生的做法與拉美整個的地區趨勢相悖。在拉丁美洲的各個國家，任期限制在最近的20年里已經一再放松。最近一位想要完全廢除任期限制的是厄瓜多爾總統拉斐爾科雷亞。他去年聲稱只要他的支持者在六月推出允許所有公共政府機關職位的無限期再次競選的法案，他當前任期將是他最后的任期。由于Correa先生掌握著大多數立法投票席位，厄瓜多爾很有可能和委內瑞拉與尼加拉瓜一樣允許終生總統任期。 　　Not coincidentally, these countries are among a handful in Latin America in which presidentsnow exercise near-absolute power. Mr Correa, the late Hugo Chvez in Venezuela andNicaragua s Daniel Ortega deployed their electoral majorities to crush the independence ofthe judiciary, curb the media and hamper opposition. In the extent of their power, if notin the route by which they obtained it, they resemble the region s 19th-centurydictatorswhose absolutism is captured in the title of a classic Paraguayan novel by AugustoRoa Bastos called Yo, el Supremo. 　　并不是巧合，因為這三個國家均是拉丁美洲少數幾個總統擁有近乎絕對統治權的國家。厄瓜多爾總統拉斐爾科雷亞將是下一個委內瑞拉總統烏戈查韋斯。他和尼加拉瓜總統丹尼爾奧爾特加部署了大多數選舉席位以便遏制司法獨立、控制媒體以及遏制反對派的行動。除了獲取權利的路線不同，他們的權利范圍與該地區19世紀的獨裁者有極大的相似之處。這些獨裁者的專制統治在巴拉圭作家奧古斯托羅亞巴斯托斯的經典小說的標題中體現的淋漓盡致《我，至高無上》。 　　The trend to looser term limits goes far beyond these three countries. Daniel Zovatto of theInternational Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, an inter-governmentalorganisation, points out that in the 1980s the norm in Latin America s restored democracieswas to restrict presidents to a single term. Of the 15 Latin American countries with no plansfor indefinite re-election, four now allow two consecutive terms and seven permit formerpresidents to run again after an interlude. Only fourMexico, Guatemala, Honduras andParaguaystill confine their presidents to one term only. 　　放松任期限制的趨勢并不僅在這三個國家中存在。國際民主與選舉援助組織在拉丁美洲和加勒比海的區域主管丹尼爾組瓦特指出，拉丁美洲于20世紀80年代恢復的民主政治正是為了將總統職位限制為單任期。在15個尚沒有允許無限期再次競選的拉丁美洲國家中，4個國家現在允許2期連任，有7個國家允許前任總統們在他人擔任總統之后再次競選總統，只有墨西哥、危地馬拉、洪都拉斯以及巴拉圭這4個國家依舊將總統限制為單任期。 　　Critics of this trend say that incumbents have an even greater advantage over opponentsthan they have in, say, the United States. Only twice since 1990 have candidates who weresitting presidents lost elections in Latin America. Several incumbents have also managed toanoint their chosen successors, who in the case of the late Nstor Kirchner of Argentina washis wife, Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner. 　　這種趨勢的批評者認為，現任總統相比于其反對者的優勢很大，且這種優勢甚至還大于北美總統的優勢。自1990年以來，現任總統再次競選失敗的事情在拉丁美洲只發生過兩次。有些在位者也會神話他們選定的接任者，比如阿根廷前任總統內斯托爾卡洛斯基什內爾便扶持他的妻子克里斯蒂娜費爾南德斯德基什內爾成功接任總統。 　　But the recent success of incumbents owes much to their good fortune in presiding over agolden decade of commodity-fuelled economic growth, and in their distribution of some ofthis windfall to the poor. Now that economic growth has slowed, presidents have become lesspopular. A test of whether incumbents remain near-invincible will come in Brazil s electionin October, in which Dilma Rousseff faces a tough fight for a second term. 　　不過在位者們的近期成功主要應該歸功于他們幸運地處在大宗商品經濟蓬勃發展的黃金時期，他們只要將一部分上帝的饋贈分發給窮人便可以獲得支持。而現在經濟的增長速度放緩，總統們變得并沒有那么受歡迎。今年10月，在巴西的選舉中將會有一個關于在位者是否依舊無可匹敵的測試進行，在這次選舉中迪爾瑪羅塞夫為了自己的第二任期將會面臨一場艱難的競爭。 　　There are, in fact, some sound reasons for allowing re-electionthough not indefinitely. If apresident is popular and has done a good job, surely voters should have the right to choosehim or her again? A four-year term, as eight countries have, is too short to do much. Indeed,it is not all that long ago that political scientists fretted that Latin American presidents weretoo weak rather than too strong. 　　事實上，還是有一些合理的理由允許總統再次參加競選的，雖然不是無限再次競選。如果一個總統很受歡迎并且工作出色，選民們難道不應該有權利再次選擇他或者她嗎?現在拉丁美洲有8個國家依舊維持4年為一任期的規定， 4年時間確實不足以讓一個總統完成太多事情。而且就在不久之前，政治學者們甚至認為拉丁美洲的總統們太脆弱而不是太強大。 　　What matters is not whether a president can run for re-election, but whether countriespossess the countervailing institutions required to curb the abuse of executive power andthe advantages of incumbency. Strong and independent judiciaries, electoral authorities,media and political parties are all vital. 　　問題的關鍵點不在于總統是否可以再次競選，而在于國家是否有足以遏制濫用行政權力和在位者優勢的對抗制度。強大而獨立的司法機構、選舉委員會、媒體以及政黨都是必不可少的。 　　Paradoxically, Colombia is fairly well-served in this regard. Its constitutional court knockeddown an attempt by lvaro Uribe, Mr Santos s popular predecessor, to run for a thirdconsecutive term. Mr Santos told Bello during the campaign that he thinks Colombiansdislike re-election, initiated in 2006 by Mr Uribe. That may be one reason why he barelysqueaked to a second term, winning the run-off by less than six percentage points. It seemsthat Mr Santos has come up with a solution to a problem that Colombia doesn t really have.Perhaps he should export it to Ecuador. 　　反常的是，哥倫比亞在這一點上做的很好。其憲法院成功粉碎了Santos先生的上一任總統烏里韋謀求3連任的企圖。在此次競選中，桑托斯先生告訴貝約，他認為自烏里韋于2006年連任總統以來，哥倫比亞不喜歡總統再次參加競選。這恐怕也是本次競選中他以少于6%的微弱優勢艱難勝出的原因之一。看上去桑托斯已經想到了解決問題的方法，雖然這個問題在哥倫比亞并不存在。或許他可以將這個方法推薦給厄瓜多爾。 　　1.want to 想要;想要 　　I want to insure my house. 　　我要為自己的住宅保險。 　　We want to be quite clear on this point. 　　關于這一點，我們要完全弄清。 　　2.peace talk 和平談判 　　The meetings adopted the Concept Paper on the Working Group and issued the secondChairman s Statement since the talks was launched. This symbolizes that the six-party peacetalk process will proceed. 　　會議通過了工作組概念文件，發表了和談啟動以來的第二份主席聲明，這標志著六方會談進程將繼續下去。 　　The present conflict may provide fresh impetus for peace talk. 　　目前的沖突可能會給和談提供新的推動力。 　　3.point out 指出，指明 　　Can you point out the hotel on this map? 　　你能指出這家旅館在地圖上的位置嗎? 　　I want to point out one area that I grade the students on, something that many of themdislike. 　　我想指出我在為學生們評分的一個地方，是他們中許多人都不喜歡的一點。 　　4.plan for 計劃做某事 　　So what do we have plan for tonight? 　　那么，我們今天晚上有什么計劃呢? 　　He designed a new plan for the project. 　　他為該工程設計了一套新的施工方案。