2023考研英語閱讀奧巴馬與共和黨

　　Barack Obama and the Republicans

　　奧巴馬與共和黨

　　NEXT week a collection of largely unknown Republicans will hold the first proper TV debate ofthe 2023 presidential campaign. Whoever eventually wins their partys nomination then hasto take on Barack Obama, the giant of American politics. The president has a huge war-chest,his own party firmly behind him and a rare capacity to inspire. Yet he is vulnerable. Thisweek a poll showed him in a dead heat with Mitt Romney, the Republican front-runner.Americas sluggish recovery will give any challenger a chance. The question is whether anyRepublican has the personality and especially the ideas to take him on. For the best way tomake this race competitiveand the best thing for Americais to force voters to confront thehard choices their country has to make.

　　下周，一群大都不知名的共和黨人將舉行2023年總統(tǒng)選舉的第一次電視辯論。 無論誰獲勝取得本黨的題目都將面對奧巴馬這位美國政壇的巨人。總統(tǒng)有巨額的競選經(jīng)費，以及他的政黨作為堅實的后盾，還有罕見的號召力。然而他仍然是脆弱的。本周的民調(diào)顯示他與前美國麻州州長羅姆尼的支持率持平，后者現(xiàn)在可謂是共和黨的領(lǐng)軍式人物。美國經(jīng)濟遲緩恢復(fù)將為任何挑戰(zhàn)者提供機會。問題在于是否任何共和黨人都具有向奧巴馬挑戰(zhàn)所需的個人魅力特別是政綱。使這場競賽更具競爭性的最好方式以及對美國最有益的是迫使選民直面這個國家的艱難抉擇。

　　This time, Mr President, you are playing Goliath

　　這次，總統(tǒng)閣下，您的對手是巨無霸

　　In terms of the horse race, an incumbent presidentusually has a head start. While the Republicansspend the next year clobbering each other, MrObama can appear statesmanlike and husband hisresources. His approval rating is in the 50s, betterthan Bill Clintons at this stage in the proceedings in1995, before he went on to score a solid victoryagainst Bob Dole in 1996.

　　以賽馬為例，在任的總統(tǒng)常常會領(lǐng)先一頭。在共和黨人相互攻擊的時候，奧巴馬先生將表現(xiàn)其政治家風范并有效利用其資源使出渾身解數(shù)。他的支持率在50多左右，比克林頓在1995年處于同樣階段時要好，而克林頓隨后在1996年的選舉中擊敗多爾獲得連任。

　　But whereas that Clinton race should encourage Mr Obama, the previous one should worryhim. In spring 1991 George Bush senior was coasting towards re-election; by November 1992the president was toastand the main reason was a sluggish economy. This recovery, in thewake of the worst financial shock since 1929, is even slower. Growth in the first quarter was afeeble 1.8%. The unemployment rate actually rose, to 9.1%, in May: the rate of job creationis barely keeping track with the natural increase in the working-age population. Twice as manyAmericans think the country is on the wrong track as the right one. Many of the places whereAmericans feel angriest are battleground states: Florida, Michigan and Ohio all saw bigRepublican gains in the 2010 mid-terms.

　　雖然克林頓的那場戰(zhàn)役能鼓勵奧巴馬，也應(yīng)使他感到擔心。在1991年春天老布什的連任看起來將一帆風順，第二年11月這位老總統(tǒng)的連任已經(jīng)看不到任何希望主要原因就是當時疲軟的經(jīng)濟。經(jīng)過這次自1929年來最嚴重的金融沖擊之后，美國經(jīng)濟的恢復(fù)更為緩慢。首季度增長緩慢只有1.8%。 5月份失業(yè)率實際上升到9.1%：職位創(chuàng)造率只與勞動年齡人口增長率持平。三分之二的美國人認為國家經(jīng)濟已誤入歧途，認為國家經(jīng)濟在正確軌道上的只有三分之一。那些最憤怒的美國人聚集在那些競爭最激烈的幾個州：佛羅里達州，密歇根州和俄亥俄州，共和黨中期選舉時在這幾個州都有明顯收獲。

　　In 2008 Mr Obama represented change. This time he will have to fend off charges that he is toblame for the achingly slow recovery by arguing that it would have been worse without hisactions, such as his $800 billion stimulus package and the takeover of GM and Chrysler. Thatmay be true but it is not easy to sell a counterfactual on the stump . And there are other holes in Mr Obamas record. What happened to his promises todo something about the environment or immigration or Guantnamo? Why should anybusinessman support a chief executive who has let his friends in the labour movement runamok and who let his health-care bill be written by Democrats in Congress? Above all, why hashe never produced a credible plan to tackle the budget deficit, currently close to 10% of GDP?Asking these questions will surely give any Republican a perch in this race. But to beat thepresident, the Republicans need both a credible candidate and credible policies.

　　2008年，奧巴馬代表變化。這次他必須盡力擋開那些將此緩慢而痛苦的經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇歸咎于他的指責，并主張假如沒有他采取的行動例如他的8千萬美元刺激經(jīng)濟計劃以及通用和克萊斯勒的收購情況將會更糟。這或許是真的，但在競選中向選民推銷反事實并不是件容易的事。而奧巴馬先生的記錄上仍有其他漏洞。他對于改變環(huán)境、移民政策或關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄的承諾都怎么樣了呢?為什么任何生意人要支持一個讓其工人運動中的朋友們放任橫行，或者一個借助國會內(nèi)的民主黨人通過其醫(yī)療改革計劃的行政長官呢?更重要的而是，為什么他從未提出一個可信的計劃以解決現(xiàn)今高至GDP10%的財政赤字?問出任何一個這樣的問題都將給任何共和黨人在此戰(zhàn)爭中獲得一個先手。但是要戰(zhàn)勝總統(tǒng)先生，共和黨人需要一個可信的候選人和一個可信的政綱。

　　In terms of talent, the current line-up is not without hope . Jon Huntsman, TimPawlenty and Mr Romney have all been first-rate governors: they can claim the sort of hands-on experience of government that Mr Obama so signally lacked in 2008. Mr Romney could get itright this time ; or the more charismatic Mr Huntsman could soar. All the same,there are other current and former governors who this newspaper wishes were in the racenotably Jeb Bush, Chris Christie, Mitch Daniels and Rick Perry. As for Sarah Palin, her anticsare helping no one, other than Mr Obama; she should put up, or preferably shut up. MicheleBachmann, a right-wing congresswoman, can carry the tea-party banner.

　　就人才而言，現(xiàn)有的陣容也并非沒有希望。洪博培、普蘭提和羅姆尼都曾經(jīng)是第一流的州長：他們可以聲稱各種奧巴馬先生在2008年參選時顯著缺少的實戰(zhàn)經(jīng)驗。羅姆尼這次可以好好表現(xiàn);而洪博培若表現(xiàn)更得有號召力他的人氣應(yīng)該能上升。同樣的，其他的現(xiàn)任或前任州長都是本刊物希望看到的參賽者他們分別是杰布??布什、克里斯??克瑞斯蒂、米奇??丹尼爾斯和里克??佩里。至于莎拉??佩林，她的滑稽表演幫不了任何人，除了奧巴馬先生;她應(yīng)該振作，或者干脆閉嘴吧。右翼國會議員米歇爾??巴奇曼可以繼續(xù)舉著茶黨的橫幅。

　　Yes you canif we can afford it

　　是的你可以假如我們負擔得起的話

　　Talent is less of a problem than policies. A seriousRepublican candidate must come up with answers tothe two big problems facing Americas economy: howto get more people back to work, and how to fix thedeficit. The first requires a swathe of bold structuralreforms to boost jobs and growth, the second acredible plan to balance the books in the mediumterm that does not wreck the economy in the shortterm. When it comes to encouraging jobs, theRepublican failure is largely one of inventiveness. They focus merely on tax cuts and slashingred tape. But what about a big new push to free up trade? Or an overhaul of the antiquatedunemployment-insurance scheme and worker-training programmes that gets business moreinvolved? Or serious immigration reform?

　　相比政綱，人才不是個什么大問題。一個認真的共和黨候選人必須拿出解決美國經(jīng)濟面臨的兩大問題的答案：怎樣使更多人重回工作崗位，以及怎樣解決財政赤字。第一個問題要求一系列大膽的改革以促進就業(yè)和經(jīng)濟增長，第二個問題需要一個可靠的計劃使中期賬目收支平衡又不會在短期內(nèi)破壞經(jīng)濟增長。提到促進就業(yè)，共和黨人的失敗大部分可歸咎于缺乏創(chuàng)造性。他們只著眼于在減稅和簡化官方繁文縟節(jié)。但是為什么不采取更大膽的手段以開放貿(mào)易?或者對陳舊的失業(yè)保險計劃以及勞工培訓計劃來個一個徹底的整修讓商業(yè)界更積極參與其中?或者認真的移民改革?

　　The Republican failure on the deficit is more serious. Mr Obama is deeply vulnerable here, notleast because he is still trying to kid Americans that their fiscal future can be shored up merelyby taxing the rich more. But the Republican solution of tax cuts and even deeper spendingcuts is arguably worse. Most of the burden ofrepairing Americas public finances should certainly fall on spending. But the deficit is simply toolarge to close through spending cuts alone. The overall tax takeat its lowest, as a share ofGDP, in decadesmust eventually rise.

　　共和黨人在財政赤字上的失敗更嚴重。這兩個話題是奧巴馬先生的軟肋，不單單是因為他仍然嘗試愚弄美國人嘗試讓他們相信他們的財政狀況可以僅僅通過向富人征稅而得到改善。但是共和黨人提出的減稅以及進一步的削減開支的提議卻更不靠譜。的確，修復(fù)美國公共財政的擔子大部分落于支出控制。但是這赤字太大不能僅僅靠開支削減來縮小。現(xiàn)在總的稅率占 GDP的比例是近幾十年來最低的，而這最終都會上升。

　　An honest Republican candidate would acknowledge this and lay out the right way to do sofor instance, by eliminating distorting loopholes and thus allowing revenues to rise. He would also come up with a more systematic plan on the spending side. No Republicanseems to understand the difference between good spending and bad. Investment in roads andeducation, for instance, ought not to be lumped in with costly and unreformed entitlements,like Social Security and Medicare. Defence should not be sacrosanct. That Mr Obama has nostrategy either is not an excuse.

　　一位誠實的共和黨候選人將會承認這一事實并提出正確的方案 比如，通過去除各種扭曲的財政漏洞而使收入增加。他可以就財政開支提出一個更系統(tǒng)性的方案。而似乎沒有一個共和黨人能明白有益開支和有害開支的區(qū)別。比如說，在道路和教育上的投資不應(yīng)該被歸并為昂貴的待改革的津貼，后者如社保和醫(yī)療。辯解不必是神圣不可侵犯的。奧巴馬先生沒有提出戰(zhàn)略也不是借口。

　　In most elections promising toughness is not a successful tactic; but this time Americansknow that their country has huge problems and that their nations finances are the biggestproblem of all. In Britain the Conservatives made the incumbent Gordon Brown seemridiculous by spelling out the austerity that he at first barely dared mention; now anothertough-talking centre-right party has won in Portugal . If ever there was a time forpragmatic conservative realism, it is now. Mr Obama might also bear that in mind.

　　在大多數(shù)的競選中，承諾強硬的手段并不是一個好的戰(zhàn)術(shù);但這一次，美國人知道他們國家的問題相當嚴重，而國家財政是其中最大的問題。在英國，保守黨詳細說明緊了縮財政的計劃，而當時的在任總統(tǒng)布郎在一開始幾乎沒有提到過相似的計劃因而顏面盡失;現(xiàn)在另一個強硬的中右派贏得了葡萄牙的大選。假如存在一個推崇務(wù)實的保守的現(xiàn)實主義的時代，現(xiàn)在就是了。奧巴馬先生也應(yīng)該記住這一點。

　　Barack Obama and the Republicans

　　奧巴馬與共和黨

　　NEXT week a collection of largely unknown Republicans will hold the first proper TV debate ofthe 2023 presidential campaign. Whoever eventually wins their partys nomination then hasto take on Barack Obama, the giant of American politics. The president has a huge war-chest,his own party firmly behind him and a rare capacity to inspire. Yet he is vulnerable. Thisweek a poll showed him in a dead heat with Mitt Romney, the Republican front-runner.Americas sluggish recovery will give any challenger a chance. The question is whether anyRepublican has the personality and especially the ideas to take him on. For the best way tomake this race competitiveand the best thing for Americais to force voters to confront thehard choices their country has to make.

　　下周，一群大都不知名的共和黨人將舉行2023年總統(tǒng)選舉的第一次電視辯論。 無論誰獲勝取得本黨的題目都將面對奧巴馬這位美國政壇的巨人。總統(tǒng)有巨額的競選經(jīng)費，以及他的政黨作為堅實的后盾，還有罕見的號召力。然而他仍然是脆弱的。本周的民調(diào)顯示他與前美國麻州州長羅姆尼的支持率持平，后者現(xiàn)在可謂是共和黨的領(lǐng)軍式人物。美國經(jīng)濟遲緩恢復(fù)將為任何挑戰(zhàn)者提供機會。問題在于是否任何共和黨人都具有向奧巴馬挑戰(zhàn)所需的個人魅力特別是政綱。使這場競賽更具競爭性的最好方式以及對美國最有益的是迫使選民直面這個國家的艱難抉擇。

　　This time, Mr President, you are playing Goliath

　　這次，總統(tǒng)閣下，您的對手是巨無霸

　　In terms of the horse race, an incumbent presidentusually has a head start. While the Republicansspend the next year clobbering each other, MrObama can appear statesmanlike and husband hisresources. His approval rating is in the 50s, betterthan Bill Clintons at this stage in the proceedings in1995, before he went on to score a solid victoryagainst Bob Dole in 1996.

　　以賽馬為例，在任的總統(tǒng)常常會領(lǐng)先一頭。在共和黨人相互攻擊的時候，奧巴馬先生將表現(xiàn)其政治家風范并有效利用其資源使出渾身解數(shù)。他的支持率在50多左右，比克林頓在1995年處于同樣階段時要好，而克林頓隨后在1996年的選舉中擊敗多爾獲得連任。

　　But whereas that Clinton race should encourage Mr Obama, the previous one should worryhim. In spring 1991 George Bush senior was coasting towards re-election; by November 1992the president was toastand the main reason was a sluggish economy. This recovery, in thewake of the worst financial shock since 1929, is even slower. Growth in the first quarter was afeeble 1.8%. The unemployment rate actually rose, to 9.1%, in May: the rate of job creationis barely keeping track with the natural increase in the working-age population. Twice as manyAmericans think the country is on the wrong track as the right one. Many of the places whereAmericans feel angriest are battleground states: Florida, Michigan and Ohio all saw bigRepublican gains in the 2010 mid-terms.

　　雖然克林頓的那場戰(zhàn)役能鼓勵奧巴馬，也應(yīng)使他感到擔心。在1991年春天老布什的連任看起來將一帆風順，第二年11月這位老總統(tǒng)的連任已經(jīng)看不到任何希望主要原因就是當時疲軟的經(jīng)濟。經(jīng)過這次自1929年來最嚴重的金融沖擊之后，美國經(jīng)濟的恢復(fù)更為緩慢。首季度增長緩慢只有1.8%。 5月份失業(yè)率實際上升到9.1%：職位創(chuàng)造率只與勞動年齡人口增長率持平。三分之二的美國人認為國家經(jīng)濟已誤入歧途，認為國家經(jīng)濟在正確軌道上的只有三分之一。那些最憤怒的美國人聚集在那些競爭最激烈的幾個州：佛羅里達州，密歇根州和俄亥俄州，共和黨中期選舉時在這幾個州都有明顯收獲。

　　In 2008 Mr Obama represented change. This time he will have to fend off charges that he is toblame for the achingly slow recovery by arguing that it would have been worse without hisactions, such as his $800 billion stimulus package and the takeover of GM and Chrysler. Thatmay be true but it is not easy to sell a counterfactual on the stump . And there are other holes in Mr Obamas record. What happened to his promises todo something about the environment or immigration or Guantnamo? Why should anybusinessman support a chief executive who has let his friends in the labour movement runamok and who let his health-care bill be written by Democrats in Congress? Above all, why hashe never produced a credible plan to tackle the budget deficit, currently close to 10% of GDP?Asking these questions will surely give any Republican a perch in this race. But to beat thepresident, the Republicans need both a credible candidate and credible policies.

　　2008年，奧巴馬代表變化。這次他必須盡力擋開那些將此緩慢而痛苦的經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇歸咎于他的指責，并主張假如沒有他采取的行動例如他的8千萬美元刺激經(jīng)濟計劃以及通用和克萊斯勒的收購情況將會更糟。這或許是真的，但在競選中向選民推銷反事實并不是件容易的事。而奧巴馬先生的記錄上仍有其他漏洞。他對于改變環(huán)境、移民政策或關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄的承諾都怎么樣了呢?為什么任何生意人要支持一個讓其工人運動中的朋友們放任橫行，或者一個借助國會內(nèi)的民主黨人通過其醫(yī)療改革計劃的行政長官呢?更重要的而是，為什么他從未提出一個可信的計劃以解決現(xiàn)今高至GDP10%的財政赤字?問出任何一個這樣的問題都將給任何共和黨人在此戰(zhàn)爭中獲得一個先手。但是要戰(zhàn)勝總統(tǒng)先生，共和黨人需要一個可信的候選人和一個可信的政綱。

　　In terms of talent, the current line-up is not without hope . Jon Huntsman, TimPawlenty and Mr Romney have all been first-rate governors: they can claim the sort of hands-on experience of government that Mr Obama so signally lacked in 2008. Mr Romney could get itright this time ; or the more charismatic Mr Huntsman could soar. All the same,there are other current and former governors who this newspaper wishes were in the racenotably Jeb Bush, Chris Christie, Mitch Daniels and Rick Perry. As for Sarah Palin, her anticsare helping no one, other than Mr Obama; she should put up, or preferably shut up. MicheleBachmann, a right-wing congresswoman, can carry the tea-party banner.

　　就人才而言，現(xiàn)有的陣容也并非沒有希望。洪博培、普蘭提和羅姆尼都曾經(jīng)是第一流的州長：他們可以聲稱各種奧巴馬先生在2008年參選時顯著缺少的實戰(zhàn)經(jīng)驗。羅姆尼這次可以好好表現(xiàn);而洪博培若表現(xiàn)更得有號召力他的人氣應(yīng)該能上升。同樣的，其他的現(xiàn)任或前任州長都是本刊物希望看到的參賽者他們分別是杰布??布什、克里斯??克瑞斯蒂、米奇??丹尼爾斯和里克??佩里。至于莎拉??佩林，她的滑稽表演幫不了任何人，除了奧巴馬先生;她應(yīng)該振作，或者干脆閉嘴吧。右翼國會議員米歇爾??巴奇曼可以繼續(xù)舉著茶黨的橫幅。

　　Yes you canif we can afford it

　　是的你可以假如我們負擔得起的話

　　Talent is less of a problem than policies. A seriousRepublican candidate must come up with answers tothe two big problems facing Americas economy: howto get more people back to work, and how to fix thedeficit. The first requires a swathe of bold structuralreforms to boost jobs and growth, the second acredible plan to balance the books in the mediumterm that does not wreck the economy in the shortterm. When it comes to encouraging jobs, theRepublican failure is largely one of inventiveness. They focus merely on tax cuts and slashingred tape. But what about a big new push to free up trade? Or an overhaul of the antiquatedunemployment-insurance scheme and worker-training programmes that gets business moreinvolved? Or serious immigration reform?

　　相比政綱，人才不是個什么大問題。一個認真的共和黨候選人必須拿出解決美國經(jīng)濟面臨的兩大問題的答案：怎樣使更多人重回工作崗位，以及怎樣解決財政赤字。第一個問題要求一系列大膽的改革以促進就業(yè)和經(jīng)濟增長，第二個問題需要一個可靠的計劃使中期賬目收支平衡又不會在短期內(nèi)破壞經(jīng)濟增長。提到促進就業(yè)，共和黨人的失敗大部分可歸咎于缺乏創(chuàng)造性。他們只著眼于在減稅和簡化官方繁文縟節(jié)。但是為什么不采取更大膽的手段以開放貿(mào)易?或者對陳舊的失業(yè)保險計劃以及勞工培訓計劃來個一個徹底的整修讓商業(yè)界更積極參與其中?或者認真的移民改革?

　　The Republican failure on the deficit is more serious. Mr Obama is deeply vulnerable here, notleast because he is still trying to kid Americans that their fiscal future can be shored up merelyby taxing the rich more. But the Republican solution of tax cuts and even deeper spendingcuts is arguably worse. Most of the burden ofrepairing Americas public finances should certainly fall on spending. But the deficit is simply toolarge to close through spending cuts alone. The overall tax takeat its lowest, as a share ofGDP, in decadesmust eventually rise.

　　共和黨人在財政赤字上的失敗更嚴重。這兩個話題是奧巴馬先生的軟肋，不單單是因為他仍然嘗試愚弄美國人嘗試讓他們相信他們的財政狀況可以僅僅通過向富人征稅而得到改善。但是共和黨人提出的減稅以及進一步的削減開支的提議卻更不靠譜。的確，修復(fù)美國公共財政的擔子大部分落于支出控制。但是這赤字太大不能僅僅靠開支削減來縮小。現(xiàn)在總的稅率占 GDP的比例是近幾十年來最低的，而這最終都會上升。

　　An honest Republican candidate would acknowledge this and lay out the right way to do sofor instance, by eliminating distorting loopholes and thus allowing revenues to rise. He would also come up with a more systematic plan on the spending side. No Republicanseems to understand the difference between good spending and bad. Investment in roads andeducation, for instance, ought not to be lumped in with costly and unreformed entitlements,like Social Security and Medicare. Defence should not be sacrosanct. That Mr Obama has nostrategy either is not an excuse.

　　一位誠實的共和黨候選人將會承認這一事實并提出正確的方案 比如，通過去除各種扭曲的財政漏洞而使收入增加。他可以就財政開支提出一個更系統(tǒng)性的方案。而似乎沒有一個共和黨人能明白有益開支和有害開支的區(qū)別。比如說，在道路和教育上的投資不應(yīng)該被歸并為昂貴的待改革的津貼，后者如社保和醫(yī)療。辯解不必是神圣不可侵犯的。奧巴馬先生沒有提出戰(zhàn)略也不是借口。

　　In most elections promising toughness is not a successful tactic; but this time Americansknow that their country has huge problems and that their nations finances are the biggestproblem of all. In Britain the Conservatives made the incumbent Gordon Brown seemridiculous by spelling out the austerity that he at first barely dared mention; now anothertough-talking centre-right party has won in Portugal . If ever there was a time forpragmatic conservative realism, it is now. Mr Obama might also bear that in mind.

　　在大多數(shù)的競選中，承諾強硬的手段并不是一個好的戰(zhàn)術(shù);但這一次，美國人知道他們國家的問題相當嚴重，而國家財政是其中最大的問題。在英國，保守黨詳細說明緊了縮財政的計劃，而當時的在任總統(tǒng)布郎在一開始幾乎沒有提到過相似的計劃因而顏面盡失;現(xiàn)在另一個強硬的中右派贏得了葡萄牙的大選。假如存在一個推崇務(wù)實的保守的現(xiàn)實主義的時代，現(xiàn)在就是了。奧巴馬先生也應(yīng)該記住這一點。