2023考研英語閱讀德國明天會更綠

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2023考研英語閱讀德國明天會更綠

  Germany s victorious Greens A greener future?明天會更綠?

  Two state elections have upturned German politics兩個州的選舉反轉德國政局

  THE Greens are the against party. They are againsta flashy rail project in Stuttgart, against nuclearpower and, say their critics, against progress andgrowth. Yet on March 27th the partys defiance paidoff in stunning fashion. German angst over thenuclear disaster in Japan crested just as two south-western states held elections. In Rhineland-Palatinatethe Green vote tripled, vaulting the party into government as junior partner of the SocialDemocratic Party , which had previously ruled alone. In Baden-Wrttemberg 58 years ofgovernment by the Christian Democratic Union came to an end. The Greens will now takecontrol of a state government for the first time.

  德國的綠黨是個反對黨。他們反對斯圖加特花哨的鐵路工程,反對核能,而且據他們批評者稱,他們反對發展進步。然而,就在3月27號這一天,他們的反抗獲得了驚人的回報。西南部兩個州舉行選舉之時,正值德國民眾因日本核危機而擔憂,在萊茵蘭普法爾茨州,綠黨的得票數增至原來的三倍,使其成為該州原本唯一的執政黨社會民主黨新的聯合執政黨。在巴登符騰堡州,執政長達58年的基民盟面臨下臺。綠黨將首次成為該州的執政黨。

  This almost-unthinkable result is a big blow to Angela Merkel, the chancellor and CDU leader,who has lost the partys crown jewel. Her pre-election decision to shut down seven nuclear-power plants looked panicky rather than principled, and may have made matters worse for theCDU. The elections were an even bigger setback for her coalition partner, the Free Democrats.But the SPD also has little to cheer about: its share of the vote was the lowest in half acentury in Rhineland-Palatinate and the lowest ever in Baden-Wrttemberg, where it will becomethe junior coalition partner. Only the Greens have reason to celebrate.

  這個意想不到的結果對安吉拉??默克爾是一個巨大的打擊。作為德國總理和基民盟領袖,她失去了基民盟執政的一個傳統重鎮。她在選舉前決定關閉七座核電站。這個決定更像是倉促之舉而不是堅持原則,并使得基民盟的情勢更糟。選舉結果對她的執政伙伴自民黨是個更大的挫折。然而社民黨也沒有什么值得慶賀的:他們在萊茵蘭普法爾茨州的得票率降至半個世紀以來的最低點;在巴符州的得票率則是有史以來的最低點。這使得社民黨成為巴符州綠黨的聯合執政黨。只有綠黨有歡慶的理由。

  The partys offices in Stuttgart, Baden-Wrttembergs capital, look readier for protests anddemonstrations than for the assumption of government responsibility. Yellow drums done upto look like nuclear-waste containers are stacked by the door. Bamboo poles for hoistingbanners rest against them. Yet the ready-to-rally impression is somewhat misleading. Baden-Wrttembergs Greens are on the partys extreme realist wing, says Dieter Fuchs of theUniversity of Stuttgart.The incoming premier, Winfried Kretschmann, belongs to the CentralCommittee of German Catholics and to a traditional shooting club. His down-to-earth Swabianmanner matches the states spirit better than did the conservative pugnacity of StefanMappus, the premier he defeated. The export-oriented Mittelstand has nothing to fear, hesuggests. You can be in the black with green ideas, he said in an interview shortly before theelection.

  位于巴符州省會斯圖加特市的綠黨辦公部門,看起來更像是在為抗議和示威作準備,而不是承擔政府責任。做成核廢料集裝箱樣子的黃色大鼓堆放在門口,對面放著舉旗的竹竿。這種即將舉行集會的印象多少會讓人產生誤解。斯圖加特大學的迪特爾??福克斯說,巴符州的綠黨屬于該黨中的極端現實主義派系。即將上臺的總理溫弗里德??科瑞奇曼是德國天主教徒中央委員會成員,并加入了一個傳統射擊俱樂部。他的斯瓦比亞現實主義做派,與敗北的前總理史蒂芬??馬普斯的保守好戰相比,更契合該州的精神。他暗示出口導向型的中小企業無需恐慌。你可以做一個持綠色觀點的黑黨。他在選舉即將開始前的采訪中說道。

  That is what he must now prove if the Greens are tobe more than a one-term wonder. Voters rewardedthem for their stance on nuclear power. But onissues that usually matter more, like jobs, economicpolicy and education, they rate the Greens below theCDU and even the SPD.

  這正是他現在必須向大家證明的一點如果綠黨不想讓自己的勝利只是曇花一現。選民因為他們在核能上的立場而支持他們。然而在更重要的問題例如工作、經濟政策和教育上,他們認為綠黨的能力不如基民盟,甚至是社民黨。

  Mr Kretschmann cannot do much on nuclear power,because it is a federal domain.Two of Baden-Wrttembergs four nuclear reactors were turnedoff after the Japanese disaster, which is both a curse and a blessing for the new government.Mr Mappus recently paid 5 billion for a 45% stake in their operator. The Greenscontribution is a planned energy transformation, to be achieved partly by speeding upapprovals for wind turbines. The state CDU had resisted wind farms, which it derided forproducing the Verspargelung of the countryside, the sort of gibe that onehears more often from Green protesters. Now the Greens must promote progress that othersrecognise as such.

  科瑞奇曼很難在核能問題上有所作為,因為這屬于聯邦的負責領域。巴符州四座核反應堆中,有兩個在日本核危機發生后被關閉。這對于新的政府來說喜憂參半。馬普斯最近撥款50億馬克作為他們經營者45%的股份。綠黨的貢獻則是一個能量轉換計劃。該計劃部分通過加快批準風力渦輪機而實現。該州的基民盟曾反對風力發電廠,并嘲笑它們是鄉下生產 Verspargelung 的。這種譏諷的話經常可以從綠黨抗議者那里聽到。現在,綠黨必須取得能為其他政黨所認可的進步。

  The problem, Mr Kretschmann and his party think, is that the government is too bossy. Heproposes a citizen society that would recruit ordinary people to collaborate on big projects.He wants to lower hurdles for initiating referendums, to bring people into the early stages ofproject planning and to strengthen the legislature, which under the CDU was subservient tothe executive. The big test is Stuttgart 21, a rail project that provoked months of massprotests that the Greens joined but the SPD did not. After a stress test to see if Stuttgart 21can do what it promises, both parties want a referendum. Any outcome may discomfit MrKretschmann. If the project is stopped, Baden-Wrttemberg will be forced to pay contractorshundreds of millions in fees that it can ill afford. If not, the new premier may find himself boringtunnels while his former comrades march in protest overhead.

  科瑞奇曼和他的政黨認為,問題在于政府過于專制。他認為,一個公民社會應該允許普通公民參與協作重大項目。他希望能降低初選投票的門檻,從而讓更多人參與到項目計劃的早期階段。他還希望加強立法機構的職能。他指出,基民盟執政時期,立法機構只是執行部門的附庸。一個鐵路工程斯圖加特21是對政黨的一個重大考驗。綠黨參加了由該工程引發的持續數月的群眾抗議,而社民黨沒有。在對斯圖加特21是否能履行承諾進行了一個壓力測試后,兩個政黨都希望進行全民公投。無論結果如何都會使科瑞奇曼為難。如果項目被中止,巴符州需要向承包商償付數億費用,而這對它難以承受。如果項目不中止,新總理則不得不繼續一項他的同僚曾游行抗議的項目。

  In government the Greens will inevitably suffer wearand tear. Relations with the SPD, happy to be inpower but shocked not to be in charge, may betricky. Some of the Greens goals, like scrappinguniversity-tuition fees, clash with others, such asnarrowing the budget deficit. But the opportunityis great. The party has been trying to escape fromits environmental ghetto. If Mr Kretschmannmanages Germanys showcase economy well, it willhelp.

  在政府中,綠黨不可避免的遭遇摩擦。和社民黨的關系以及興奮過后發現竟然不能掌權,這些都是棘手的問題。綠黨的一些目標會與其他政黨產生沖突。然而機遇還是一片大好。綠黨正在努力跳出其環保主義的狹隘圈子。如果科瑞奇曼能夠搞定德國表面上的經濟問題,將對此大有裨益。

  Nuclear panic alone does not explain the Greens success. The party appeals most to groupswhose share of the electorate is growing: relatively young, middle-class urbanites with a goodeducation. Its leadership is a harmonious quartet, two men and two women who appeal todifferent groups of voters, notes Oskar Niedermayer of Berlins Free University. It has shed itsradicalism and, at least in theory, now embraces economic growth. It is now clearly in double-digit territory, says Mr Niedermayer. It is far from being a broad-based Volkspartei like theCDU and SPD, but it is happy in its expanding niche.

  對核能的恐慌并不能解釋綠黨全部的勝利原因。該政黨對日益龐大的相對年輕、受過良好教育的城市中產階級選民群體最具吸引力。他的領導班子是一個和諧的四重奏:兩男兩女。他們各自吸引著不同的選民群體。而奧斯卡??內德梅耶則來自柏林自由大學。他們已經流露出自己的激進主義,并至少在理論上承諾經濟增長,并將其 明確在兩位數的范圍,內德梅耶說。它與經驗老道的基民盟以及社民黨相比尚有很大差距,然而他們在自己擴張的領域中自得其樂。

  As for Mrs Merkel, she is bruised but not broken. The CDU remains the largest party in Baden-Wrttemberg and it almost beat the SPD in Rhineland-Palatinate. There are not that manycountries where a party in government is stable at 35-37% nationwide, says Peter Altmaier, aCDU leader in the Bundestag. The chancellors rivals within the CDU have either resigned orlost elections. For the first time she no longer has natural enemies in the party, says MrAltmaier. Now she is free to develop her own project a little bit more clearly than in the past.

  對于默克爾而言,她大受挫折但還不至于一敗涂地。基民盟仍是巴符州最大的政黨,而且,在萊茵蘭普法爾茨州,他們差一點就可以擊敗社民黨。聯邦議院的一位基民盟領導人彼得??奧特梅爾說:一個政黨可以在國家35-37%范圍內保持穩定執政,這在其他國家并不多見。默克爾在基民盟內部的競爭對手或是辭職或是在選舉中落敗。她第一次在黨內沒了對手。奧特梅爾說。現在,她正在比以往略顯清晰地自由發展她的計劃。

  It may sound eerily like the Greens idea: marrying the market economy to sustainability. MrsMerkels hasty abandonment of her governments first energy policy, which was to squeezemore power out of ageing nuclear plants, hurt her credibility. Its successor, she thinks, mayfind new supporters. With the FDP likely to become a more awkward partner , MrsMerkel may need an alternative after the federal election in 2023. The Greens, seasoned bygovernment in Baden-Wrttemberg, might just fit the bill.

  將市場經濟與可持續發展相結合這聽起來有些像綠黨的想法。默克爾輕率地拋棄了她起初的能源政策,即利用老化的核工場生產出更多的能源。這使得默克爾信譽受損。她認為,接下來的政策會得到新的合作者的支持。隨著與民主自由黨執政聯盟伙伴關系的惡化,默克爾在聯邦選舉后需要新的合作伙伴。被巴符州政府調教過的綠黨,可能剛好符合要求。

  

  Germany s victorious Greens A greener future?明天會更綠?

  Two state elections have upturned German politics兩個州的選舉反轉德國政局

  THE Greens are the against party. They are againsta flashy rail project in Stuttgart, against nuclearpower and, say their critics, against progress andgrowth. Yet on March 27th the partys defiance paidoff in stunning fashion. German angst over thenuclear disaster in Japan crested just as two south-western states held elections. In Rhineland-Palatinatethe Green vote tripled, vaulting the party into government as junior partner of the SocialDemocratic Party , which had previously ruled alone. In Baden-Wrttemberg 58 years ofgovernment by the Christian Democratic Union came to an end. The Greens will now takecontrol of a state government for the first time.

  德國的綠黨是個反對黨。他們反對斯圖加特花哨的鐵路工程,反對核能,而且據他們批評者稱,他們反對發展進步。然而,就在3月27號這一天,他們的反抗獲得了驚人的回報。西南部兩個州舉行選舉之時,正值德國民眾因日本核危機而擔憂,在萊茵蘭普法爾茨州,綠黨的得票數增至原來的三倍,使其成為該州原本唯一的執政黨社會民主黨新的聯合執政黨。在巴登符騰堡州,執政長達58年的基民盟面臨下臺。綠黨將首次成為該州的執政黨。

  This almost-unthinkable result is a big blow to Angela Merkel, the chancellor and CDU leader,who has lost the partys crown jewel. Her pre-election decision to shut down seven nuclear-power plants looked panicky rather than principled, and may have made matters worse for theCDU. The elections were an even bigger setback for her coalition partner, the Free Democrats.But the SPD also has little to cheer about: its share of the vote was the lowest in half acentury in Rhineland-Palatinate and the lowest ever in Baden-Wrttemberg, where it will becomethe junior coalition partner. Only the Greens have reason to celebrate.

  這個意想不到的結果對安吉拉??默克爾是一個巨大的打擊。作為德國總理和基民盟領袖,她失去了基民盟執政的一個傳統重鎮。她在選舉前決定關閉七座核電站。這個決定更像是倉促之舉而不是堅持原則,并使得基民盟的情勢更糟。選舉結果對她的執政伙伴自民黨是個更大的挫折。然而社民黨也沒有什么值得慶賀的:他們在萊茵蘭普法爾茨州的得票率降至半個世紀以來的最低點;在巴符州的得票率則是有史以來的最低點。這使得社民黨成為巴符州綠黨的聯合執政黨。只有綠黨有歡慶的理由。

  The partys offices in Stuttgart, Baden-Wrttembergs capital, look readier for protests anddemonstrations than for the assumption of government responsibility. Yellow drums done upto look like nuclear-waste containers are stacked by the door. Bamboo poles for hoistingbanners rest against them. Yet the ready-to-rally impression is somewhat misleading. Baden-Wrttembergs Greens are on the partys extreme realist wing, says Dieter Fuchs of theUniversity of Stuttgart.The incoming premier, Winfried Kretschmann, belongs to the CentralCommittee of German Catholics and to a traditional shooting club. His down-to-earth Swabianmanner matches the states spirit better than did the conservative pugnacity of StefanMappus, the premier he defeated. The export-oriented Mittelstand has nothing to fear, hesuggests. You can be in the black with green ideas, he said in an interview shortly before theelection.

  位于巴符州省會斯圖加特市的綠黨辦公部門,看起來更像是在為抗議和示威作準備,而不是承擔政府責任。做成核廢料集裝箱樣子的黃色大鼓堆放在門口,對面放著舉旗的竹竿。這種即將舉行集會的印象多少會讓人產生誤解。斯圖加特大學的迪特爾??福克斯說,巴符州的綠黨屬于該黨中的極端現實主義派系。即將上臺的總理溫弗里德??科瑞奇曼是德國天主教徒中央委員會成員,并加入了一個傳統射擊俱樂部。他的斯瓦比亞現實主義做派,與敗北的前總理史蒂芬??馬普斯的保守好戰相比,更契合該州的精神。他暗示出口導向型的中小企業無需恐慌。你可以做一個持綠色觀點的黑黨。他在選舉即將開始前的采訪中說道。

  That is what he must now prove if the Greens are tobe more than a one-term wonder. Voters rewardedthem for their stance on nuclear power. But onissues that usually matter more, like jobs, economicpolicy and education, they rate the Greens below theCDU and even the SPD.

  這正是他現在必須向大家證明的一點如果綠黨不想讓自己的勝利只是曇花一現。選民因為他們在核能上的立場而支持他們。然而在更重要的問題例如工作、經濟政策和教育上,他們認為綠黨的能力不如基民盟,甚至是社民黨。

  Mr Kretschmann cannot do much on nuclear power,because it is a federal domain.Two of Baden-Wrttembergs four nuclear reactors were turnedoff after the Japanese disaster, which is both a curse and a blessing for the new government.Mr Mappus recently paid 5 billion for a 45% stake in their operator. The Greenscontribution is a planned energy transformation, to be achieved partly by speeding upapprovals for wind turbines. The state CDU had resisted wind farms, which it derided forproducing the Verspargelung of the countryside, the sort of gibe that onehears more often from Green protesters. Now the Greens must promote progress that othersrecognise as such.

  科瑞奇曼很難在核能問題上有所作為,因為這屬于聯邦的負責領域。巴符州四座核反應堆中,有兩個在日本核危機發生后被關閉。這對于新的政府來說喜憂參半。馬普斯最近撥款50億馬克作為他們經營者45%的股份。綠黨的貢獻則是一個能量轉換計劃。該計劃部分通過加快批準風力渦輪機而實現。該州的基民盟曾反對風力發電廠,并嘲笑它們是鄉下生產 Verspargelung 的。這種譏諷的話經常可以從綠黨抗議者那里聽到。現在,綠黨必須取得能為其他政黨所認可的進步。

  The problem, Mr Kretschmann and his party think, is that the government is too bossy. Heproposes a citizen society that would recruit ordinary people to collaborate on big projects.He wants to lower hurdles for initiating referendums, to bring people into the early stages ofproject planning and to strengthen the legislature, which under the CDU was subservient tothe executive. The big test is Stuttgart 21, a rail project that provoked months of massprotests that the Greens joined but the SPD did not. After a stress test to see if Stuttgart 21can do what it promises, both parties want a referendum. Any outcome may discomfit MrKretschmann. If the project is stopped, Baden-Wrttemberg will be forced to pay contractorshundreds of millions in fees that it can ill afford. If not, the new premier may find himself boringtunnels while his former comrades march in protest overhead.

  科瑞奇曼和他的政黨認為,問題在于政府過于專制。他認為,一個公民社會應該允許普通公民參與協作重大項目。他希望能降低初選投票的門檻,從而讓更多人參與到項目計劃的早期階段。他還希望加強立法機構的職能。他指出,基民盟執政時期,立法機構只是執行部門的附庸。一個鐵路工程斯圖加特21是對政黨的一個重大考驗。綠黨參加了由該工程引發的持續數月的群眾抗議,而社民黨沒有。在對斯圖加特21是否能履行承諾進行了一個壓力測試后,兩個政黨都希望進行全民公投。無論結果如何都會使科瑞奇曼為難。如果項目被中止,巴符州需要向承包商償付數億費用,而這對它難以承受。如果項目不中止,新總理則不得不繼續一項他的同僚曾游行抗議的項目。

  In government the Greens will inevitably suffer wearand tear. Relations with the SPD, happy to be inpower but shocked not to be in charge, may betricky. Some of the Greens goals, like scrappinguniversity-tuition fees, clash with others, such asnarrowing the budget deficit. But the opportunityis great. The party has been trying to escape fromits environmental ghetto. If Mr Kretschmannmanages Germanys showcase economy well, it willhelp.

  在政府中,綠黨不可避免的遭遇摩擦。和社民黨的關系以及興奮過后發現竟然不能掌權,這些都是棘手的問題。綠黨的一些目標會與其他政黨產生沖突。然而機遇還是一片大好。綠黨正在努力跳出其環保主義的狹隘圈子。如果科瑞奇曼能夠搞定德國表面上的經濟問題,將對此大有裨益。

  Nuclear panic alone does not explain the Greens success. The party appeals most to groupswhose share of the electorate is growing: relatively young, middle-class urbanites with a goodeducation. Its leadership is a harmonious quartet, two men and two women who appeal todifferent groups of voters, notes Oskar Niedermayer of Berlins Free University. It has shed itsradicalism and, at least in theory, now embraces economic growth. It is now clearly in double-digit territory, says Mr Niedermayer. It is far from being a broad-based Volkspartei like theCDU and SPD, but it is happy in its expanding niche.

  對核能的恐慌并不能解釋綠黨全部的勝利原因。該政黨對日益龐大的相對年輕、受過良好教育的城市中產階級選民群體最具吸引力。他的領導班子是一個和諧的四重奏:兩男兩女。他們各自吸引著不同的選民群體。而奧斯卡??內德梅耶則來自柏林自由大學。他們已經流露出自己的激進主義,并至少在理論上承諾經濟增長,并將其 明確在兩位數的范圍,內德梅耶說。它與經驗老道的基民盟以及社民黨相比尚有很大差距,然而他們在自己擴張的領域中自得其樂。

  As for Mrs Merkel, she is bruised but not broken. The CDU remains the largest party in Baden-Wrttemberg and it almost beat the SPD in Rhineland-Palatinate. There are not that manycountries where a party in government is stable at 35-37% nationwide, says Peter Altmaier, aCDU leader in the Bundestag. The chancellors rivals within the CDU have either resigned orlost elections. For the first time she no longer has natural enemies in the party, says MrAltmaier. Now she is free to develop her own project a little bit more clearly than in the past.

  對于默克爾而言,她大受挫折但還不至于一敗涂地。基民盟仍是巴符州最大的政黨,而且,在萊茵蘭普法爾茨州,他們差一點就可以擊敗社民黨。聯邦議院的一位基民盟領導人彼得??奧特梅爾說:一個政黨可以在國家35-37%范圍內保持穩定執政,這在其他國家并不多見。默克爾在基民盟內部的競爭對手或是辭職或是在選舉中落敗。她第一次在黨內沒了對手。奧特梅爾說。現在,她正在比以往略顯清晰地自由發展她的計劃。

  It may sound eerily like the Greens idea: marrying the market economy to sustainability. MrsMerkels hasty abandonment of her governments first energy policy, which was to squeezemore power out of ageing nuclear plants, hurt her credibility. Its successor, she thinks, mayfind new supporters. With the FDP likely to become a more awkward partner , MrsMerkel may need an alternative after the federal election in 2023. The Greens, seasoned bygovernment in Baden-Wrttemberg, might just fit the bill.

  將市場經濟與可持續發展相結合這聽起來有些像綠黨的想法。默克爾輕率地拋棄了她起初的能源政策,即利用老化的核工場生產出更多的能源。這使得默克爾信譽受損。她認為,接下來的政策會得到新的合作者的支持。隨著與民主自由黨執政聯盟伙伴關系的惡化,默克爾在聯邦選舉后需要新的合作伙伴。被巴符州政府調教過的綠黨,可能剛好符合要求。

  

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